Regional Feminism in Vogue Arabia
and Vogue United States

In this essay, I will discuss how Vogue Arabia and Vogue United States, as fashion and cultural institutions, promote unique versions of feminism grounded in their regions’ specific cultural, religious, and capitalistic sensibilities. Drawing from Joseph Straubhaar’s “asymmetrical interdependence” and Stuart Hall’s “encoding-decoding model,” I explore how Vogue Arabia appeals to feminist audiences by emphasizing subtle forms of resistance and modesty, while Vogue US embodies individualistic, liberal feminism centered on self-determination and personal autonomy. While both publications cast the other’s cultural context as oppressive and exploitative towards women, I apply Edward Said’s “Orientalism” and Lila Abu-Ghod’s “Orientalism and Middle East Studies” to maintain that the United States retains an advantage in painting Muslim-majority Middle Eastern countries as inherently anti-feminist.

Although Vogue Arabia emerged as a derivative of Vogue US, it has successfully crafted a cohesive brand identity rooted in local values, especially within its feminist discourse. As a cultural institution, Vogue was established in 1892 as a weekly journal, tailored to New York’s elite class of women. From its inception, the publication sought to move beyond mere fashion reporting; it positioned itself as the arbiter of cultural taste. It outlined conduct for elite women, functioning as a manual for femininity. Under the direction of Conde Nast, the weekly magazine evolved into a full-fledged monthly publication. Vogue’s cultural authority persists today; its editorial mission centers around “thoughtful curations,” claiming “subject-matter expertise and a nuanced perspective” to help readers “shop like a Vogue editor.” In recent decades, Vogue has aligned itself with advancing women’s rights. Vogue’s parent company Conde Nast describes Vogue’s global mission statement as “shin[ing] a light on critical issues of its time.”

Vogue established its international presence shortly thereafter, launching British Vogue in 1916 and French Vogue in 1920, working ahead of World War I’s global trade barriers. Vogue Arabia, launched as a print edition in 2017, is one of Vogue’s most recent and culturally relevant derivatives. Vogue Arabia’s "About" page describes itself as “serving the Arab world in both Arabic and English” (Vogue Arabia). The publication was conceived to platformize regional talent among the Gulf nations. Its license was initially granted to Nervora, an Emirati publishing company, but eventually transitioned to the direct ownership of Condé Nast Middle East, further reinforcing the parent company’s control. Its transition, according to Conde Nast Middle East’s official press release in 2025, served as a “significant expansion into the region," symbolizing “the importance of the Middle East region in shaping the future of media” (Conde Nast Middle East, 2025).

Vogue Arabia serves as a contemporary case study of what Straubhaar terms "asymmetrical interdependence," a relationship in which a less dominant media player still retains “variable degrees of power and initiative in politics, economics, and culture.” Despite operating within a global hierarchy that markets to its region’s affluent women, especially those who are “fashion-driven and wealthy.” Even withstanding the parent company’s consolidation, it mixes regional sensibilities of conservatism with fashion content, with the purpose of “reorienting perceptions” for their “well-traveled” audiences (The Business of Fashion). Vogue Arabia’s inaugural editor-in-chief, Saudi Arabian Princess Deena Aljuhani Abdulaziz, was explicit about her vision: she did not want the magazine to become another generic “regional magazine” but instead sought to provide “a voice to women’s fashion in the Arab world” (Aljuhani Abdulaziz, as cited in The Business of Fashion, 2017). Bearing this in mind, Vogue Arabia is also a contributor of "contraflow" to audiences in Western countries such as the United States and the United Kingdom, producing perspectives that reframe Western assumptions (Thussu, p. 11, 2007). The publication’s deliberate choices to cover Western celebrities through a different lens, addressing underreported nuances of Muslim-majority Middle Eastern countries, and identifying modesty as a site for empowerment illustrate a subtle reorientation of Western narratives.

Both websites’ “culture” sections interrogate the often implicit ways in which women find respite from their respective societies’ patriarchal impositions. In April 2026, Vogue Arabia published a blog titled “Empowered in Style: How GCC (Gulf Cooperation Council) Women Are Using Fashion as a Source of Strength and Self-Expression.” Regional women, author Vama Kothari explains, are “gravitating towards a particular register: wide-leg linen trousers, good quality denim, easy shirts worn loose.” Through moments of uncertainty, she observes how people, women especially, “tend to gravitate toward familiarity because it gives them a sense of comfort and control” (Vogue Arabia 2026). Though Kothari does not explicitly mention which “moments of uncertainty” she is referring to, the readers can deduce that the magazine’s target audiences are, collectively, turning to leisure wear as a form of coping against uncertainty. Implicitly, Kothari describes a phenomenon in which women seek to draw attention away from themselves. The article references an interview with a color psychologist, who has similarly observed this phenomenon, where her clients are “instinctively reach[ing] for…the shades they already know work." Where Arab women are increasingly scrutinized and expected to conduct themselves in ‘proper’ ways, the drive towards simpler, looser, and more casual clothing represents ways these women are reclaiming power and exerting control over their situations. Vogue Arabia’s choice to platform this phenomenon indicates an audience demand for an inside look into women's self-expression. The article’s framing not only reports on current fads but also interrogates deeper psychological motives of constraint and autonomy.

Within the same week, Vogue US published “My Boyfriend Is Double My Age,” a firsthand account from a woman who navigates dating an older man. In the United States especially, a younger woman dating an older man remains a cultural taboo. American media is riddled with cautionary tales of such dynamics gone awry, such as the highly publicized relationship between Monica Lewinsky and former U.S. President Bill Clinton. Though both partners may be equally responsible for infidelity, women in media often disproportionately bear the brunt of the public shame. Vogue writer Eileen Kelly reflects on this dynamic through personal experience; Kelly’s own “boyfriend is more than twice [her] age.” An older man, she notes, “is reflexively labeled ‘creepy’ and ‘gross,’ while the woman ‘must have daddy issues’ or must be a ‘gold digger.’” Yet, she describes how “it’s a nuanced issue.” While she does note the unequal power dynamics that come with dating an older man, she describes herself as a “smart, fully-formed woman whom no one would mistake for [a] victim.” Kelly reflexively turns dating convention against itself, interrogating why she, a successful, career-driven woman, cannot date a man with whom she has “found something real.” While power dynamics within relationships, especially between older men and younger women, remain a controversial topic, Vogue US provided Kelly with a visible outlet to explore such tensions firsthand. Her title, taken at purely face value, has the potential to create provocative misinterpretations. At first glance, the title could be mistaken for reinforcing the opposite of its intended message—to glamorize and aspire to dating older men. However, Vogue US’s choice to publish a piece so easily misconstrued reflects a willingness to push beyond cultural taboos and explore how women are reconstructing relationship dynamics on their own terms.

These articles published within their respective “culture” sections report on ways in which women find temporary, often unconventional, resistance from their respective societies’ expectations. Both center women in their narratives, one through firsthand accounts and one through external observation. The framing of each ‘feminist’ idea, however, is tailored to its respective cultural contexts. In Vogue Arabia, the author presents the idea of self-expression and liberation solely by analyzing style—she never mentions the exact ‘issue’ women are finding respite from. Ideas about autonomy and self-liberation are presented in an oblique way, highlighting personal resistance rather than struggle. Vogue US does the exact opposite; it presents the issue in a direct and explicit way. Kelly does not refrain from describing the situation candidly. Though Vogue Arabia operates in an entirely different cultural context, it arrives at equally feminist conclusions. Feminism, thus, becomes molded by the contexts in which women live.

Vogue US and Vogue Arabia have both faced audience critique for failing to uphold their commitments to feminist reporting. Ironically, Vogue’s covers with seemingly progressive “encoding” have faced the most criticism from its target audiences. In light of Saudi Arabia legalizing the right for women to drive, the front cover of Vogue Arabia’s June 2018 issue pictured Princess Hayfa bint Abdullah al-Saud in the driver’s seat of a red Mercedes-Benz. Social media critics publicly denounced the magazine’s implicit crediting of elite women as the inciting force for the change. Left-leaning audiences criticized the cover for its overall tone-deaf nature, arguing that the article made no mention of the activists jailed for similar efforts. The Saudi Arabian kingdom's motives towards protecting women came into question. Audiences speculated that the cover may have been an attempt for elite women to ‘save face,' as the al-Saud royal family was responsible for detaining activists. These sentiments were shared by activists directly affected by the arrests themselves—trailblazing activist Manal al-Sharif, who was featured in the magazine herself, reminded audiences to remember “the women activists who were rounded up by authorities last month” (al-Sharif, 2018, as cited in X). Monroe Price’s “market for loyalties” concept illuminates the complex institutional forces behind this editorial framing. States and media institutions, according to Price, compete to secure "allegiances" from the audiences. By featuring Saudi royalty, Vogue Arabia contributed to Saudi Arabia’s effort to market its liberalization efforts. The case study illustrates how a media outlet like Vogue Arabia operates and collaborates in such “market for loyalties” (Price, p. 667, 2005).

These criticisms do not remain limited to the Middle East; American audiences were similarly concerned about Vogue US’s depiction of women, specifically Black women. Vogue US featured Black Olympic gymnast Simone Biles on the cover of the August 2020 edition. Biles’s cover was a significant editorial choice, as the year 2020 forced mass audiences to reckon with the nation’s history of anti-Black racism, incited by the killings of George Floyd and Breonna Taylor. Photographer Annie Leibovitz failed to highlight Biles’s dark skin due to poor lighting and styling. To many, Biles’ portrait symbolized issues far beyond the mere optics; it was representative of how photography and art can become embedded with modern, covert forms of racism. Audiences criticized Vogue US’s feature of Biles as performative, failing to deeply engage with their subject. Stuart Hall’s “encoding” and “decoding” model illustrates why both covers generated intense backlash. Though each cover was “encoded” with a progressive meaning, audiences in both regions “decoded” and produced “oppositional readings.” True “reclamation,” audiences argued, required a nuanced reading of darker complexions, not merely placing a Black woman on the front page.

Vogue US and Vogue Arabia were similarly held accountable by their audiences, illustrating how regional audiences can have an “active choice” in interpreting media’s intended messages, despite differences in their feminist ideologies (Straubhaar p. 41, 1991). Though their front covers were intended to be seen as progressive, audiences interpreted the messages to be, ironically, quite regressive. Though the Middle East and the United States maintain different formulations of feminism, audiences in both regions proved nearly equally capable of holding their institutions accountable and “selecting media inputs” (Straubhaar p.42, 1991). This convergence is due in part to the overlapping developments of social media and media liberalization policies. Social media platforms have created a transnational space where criticism can be easily shared and circulated amongst worldwide audiences. In both settings, criticism against Vogue unfolded and disseminated in real time. Specifically, Saudi Arabia’s liberalizing media landscape also set the foundation for discourse. Saudi Arabia’s “Vision 2030” formally expanded the boundaries of lawful public discourse. Audiences in the Gulf region, with initiatives backed by the Saudi Arabian kingdom, were able to participate in public discourse in unprecedented ways. While accountability and free speech were once understood as primarily Western concepts, media liberalization in the Middle East has expanded the boundaries of free speech. Given that audiences in both regions leveraged public criticisms through the same digital platforms, the binary between an ‘open’ Western media culture and a 'restricted' Middle Eastern culture becomes complicated. Feminist critique, however constrained, is not exclusively a Western principle.

Both the United States and the Middle East implicitly frame the other’s cultural contexts as being antithetical to feminism, using modesty as their primary ideological battle. Though the Middle East contributes “contraflow” (Thussu 2007) in its messaging about modesty and aging, the United States ultimately retains an advantage in shaping the hegemonic narrative, owing to what Edward Said terms “orientalism” (Said 1978). Each publication’s feminist standing is illustrated not only by what it reports but also by how it frames the other’s cultural setting. Vogue Arabia deliberately centers underreported media personalities and perspectives within the United States, illustrated through coverage of Kris Jenner on the front of the August 2025 issue. Vogue Arabia features Jenner in a modest, yet flattering, suit with the title “Prime Time”—underscoring the unconventional, front-cover feature of an older woman. Despite her contributions to American popular culture, the seventy-year-old matriarch of the Kardashian family is largely overshadowed within American media. The story features topics considered “taboo” or “undesirable” within American media, diving into “topics like ageism” and “inspiring personalities within the GCC.” This represents what Daya Kishan Thussu would term “contraflow,” specifically in Vogue Arabia’s “empowerment of mediated symbols” such as aging, that are “often in the margins of the globalisation discourse” (Thussu, p.3, 2011). Vogue Arabia emphasizes modest fashion, “decod[ing] international trends for a modest audience” (Vogue Arabia, 2025). Modesty, specifically modest fashion, becomes dominant within culture and art spaces within the Middle East. A recent article within Vogue Arabia’s “fashion” section articulates that “coverage can be just as powerful as reveal” (Vogue Arabia, 2025). In this framing, modesty is a mode of empowerment rather than a marker for regression. The Spring/Summer 2026 runway, author Hanadi Merchant-Habib writes, “proved that modest looks can be modern and unapologetically fashion forward." This messaging serves as a direct counter to dominant Western beliefs, which typically views modesty as being traditional and regressive. Though Vogue Arabia does not identify Western beauty standards precisely, its framing of modesty as an inherent “design language” instead of an “afterthought” implies empowerment despite Western misconceptions (Merchant-Habib, 2025). Vogue US, however, often shapes and reinforces dominant narratives about modesty, even through articles that intend to demystify the concept. In July 2025, the website published an article discussing the rise of conservative dressing while “modest fashion is on fire.” It links rising Islamophobia with the increased discomfort towards modesty, describing how “brands are struggling to navigate the modest fashion market” (Vogue US, 2025). Though it somewhat addresses common Western misconceptions surrounding modesty, it does not adequately portray modesty as an empowering choice in itself. Instead, it portrays modesty as a market issue in need of solving.

This narrative reinforces what Edward Said terms “Orientalism” within the context of Middle Eastern feminism (Said, p.13,1978). According to Said, "Orientalism" is both an academic discipline and a “way of perceiving and representing the East” through a lens of Western superiority. Said’s ‘Orient’ refers to the Middle East and Asia as Western representations, not as geographic locations. Vogue US’s portrayal of modesty, through Said’s definition, becomes a “theatrical” representation that positions Western ideologies as superior (Said, p. 45, 1978). Western attitudes about modesty as an “oppressive” force are not empirical observations or truths. Rather, the “truth” becomes a “function of learned judgement” (Said, 1978). Orientalism has percolated into “feminist discourse, especially within the context of Middle Eastern women.” (Abu-Lughod, p. 45). Lila Abu-Lughod’s seminal piece, “‘Orientalism’ and Middle East Feminist Studies,” situates Orientalism within then-recent developments in feminist studies within the Middle East. Even within the context of fashion and style, the West is “especially primed to think of the Middle East as a place of violence against women.” (Abu-Lughod, p. 45). Thussu reinforces this sentiment, as he terms the United States as the “leading exporter of cultural products” (Thussu, p. 10, 2007). This sentiment applies to ideological differences, like modesty, which become inextricably tied to reductionist narratives about the Middle East that Orientalism creates and reinforces.

Comparative analyses between Vogue US and Vogue Arabia illustrate how feminism, as negotiated through transnational media, is grounded within its respective cultural context. It is neither neutral nor universal. Both publications reinforce competing feminist constructions, each shaped by its distinctive cultural, religious, and economic context. Vogue Arabia appeals to feminist audiences by emphasizing subtle forms of resistance and modesty, while Vogue US reinforces personal autonomy. In light of the evidence presented in this paper, I propose that future research should compare other regional versions of Vogue to test whether the US’s dominance narratives are applicable in a multinational context.

Works Cited (APA)

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